Behind the Scene: UFO Sorcery

Behind the Scene: UFO Sorcery

I created the CSETI (center of the study of extraterrestrial intelligence) prior my childhood and adult experiences in order to establish contact protocols and allow other people to learn them, which is done through the CSETI week-long trainings. Earlier, I realized on the other hand that there were human forces that were not to be ignored whose main goal was to disturb or prevent peaceful interaction with extraterrestrials.

My main objective was classified into two parts:

(1) To deliver my teachings to people on how contact extraterrestrial civilization peacefully

(2) To reveal the truth about this field to the government, military and general public.

I chose the name for my book which is Hidden Truth – Forbidden Knowledge as it is my personal disclosure, due to the fact that the content includes highlights of my spiritual journey, my interaction with extraterrestrial intelligence and with the so-called “secret government”. This chapter gives a brief description about the entity and its members.

In 1993, prior I discussed the matter with the CIA director; it was suggested by my contact for meetings on high levels to name the operation as “project starlight”. Thus earlier this was known as its name. The reason why this name was chosen is due to the fact that the best evidence that was available was to be collected, which had been well tested and established, and to identify military, corporate and intelligence witnesses to programs and events. In order to be able to introduce the President, the intelligence and military community, Congress, the United Nations leadership and other leaders around the world ,before any disclosure of information.

It was understandable how critical it was to give the system a chance. It was never intended to rush into revealing any sensitive information or data, without first fully discussing them with the constitutional leaders of the world and inviting their participation. At the time, many people thought I was being silly and naive, that “those people” would never get behind something this controversial. But that’s not the point!

The main point was to give them the chance to take the correct decisions regarding the whole idea and revelations and if they fail to do this then it will be their responsibility.

I had a strong feeling that it was our responsibility to give these leaders an overview about the whole situation and tell them:

“You need to take a leadership role, if this is going to be accomplished by you and not by an outside group [meaning, The Disclosure Project and CSETI]. You have an ideal opportunity that has opened after the end of the Cold War to break the cycle of misinformation, to make a fresh start.”

After I met with the CIA director, a contact set up a meeting between Senator Byrd’s chief investigator and counsel for the Senate Appropriations Committee and me. Senator Byrd was then chairman of the committee and very powerful. This man was named Dick D’Amato—not to be confused with Senator D’Amato from New Jersey. Dick D’Amato had a Top Secret clearance and had subpoena power from the Senate Appropriations Committee.

We met in the Senate Appropriations Committee meeting room—a huge, ornate room with a giant table and brass nameplates for each member of the committee.

He proceeded to tell me:

“I’ve been asked by Senator Byrd and some others to look into these things, and we’ve gotten close enough to know that these projects do exist. But I’m telling you that with a Top Secret clearance and a subpoena power from the Senate Appropriations Committee, I cannot penetrate those projects.”

He looked at me—I’ll never forget it—and said, “You’re dealing with the varsity team of all black projects, so watch out. And good luck.”

And that was the end of that.

Dick D’Amato and people like him know this is real, but they cannot get their hands around it or control the expenditures.
Access to these projects has nothing to do with rank or position. Access has to do with whether or not you are willing to go along with the secrecy. That is the only criterion that matters: whether you are willing to play along with the agenda.

Inside the shadow government

Those who must not be in charge but are comprise an illegal, rogue, break-off group that is transnational and their members are not only ruthless and murderous but work without any legal control over what they do. Upon having something extremely important like this, which involves technologies as powerful as those mentioned, you start to figure out the risks to the world of allowing this chaos to go on, unchecked, decade after decade after decade.

In 1994, an FOB (a friend of Bill Clinton) came to my home after I had briefed the CIA director. He was a very easygoing, affable guy.

He said,

“You know, everyone agrees with what you’re recommending, but there’s a consensus that if the President does what you’ve suggested to him and to the CIA director—that they exert executive power to get inside this operation and disclose it—the President will end up like Jack Kennedy.”

I thought he was joking, and, to be honest with you, I laughed out loud. I truly thought, “Oh, come on.” But no, he was deadly serious. And he made it very clear that he was serious.

So it went from worse to worse as I realized that the government of the United States and of any other nation is a hostage of a secret rogue organization with advanced technologies which, at will, can terminate a presidency or terminate any other person who got in its way. It was clear to understand this through the conversations I had with people who are involved in the leadership of the most powerful countries on earth.

Clearly, this a big burden for me. The six years between 1992 and 1998 were the hardest ever for me. I would stay strong and move forward however on personal level it was too much to handle for me. I never lost faith in what we should do, but it was made very clear to me that the task was huge, that the hour was late and that the stakes could not be greater.

You have to understand the compartmented nature of these interlocking interests that are keeping all this secret. They are mainly in the corporate, institutional, financial and technology sectors. The government of “We, the People” is the least important component of it, and this includes the military, the CIA, the NSA, the NRO, Army intelligence, Air Force intelligence—all of that is window dressing for an operation that’s quite outside it. The real action is a hybrid group that is quasi-governmental but mostly privatized and utterly transnational—and completely illegal.

I was invited by some of the chieftains after I had my meeting with the CIA director. Before my meeting with the CIA director, my contact to Woolsey was disturbed by the idea that anyone would know about the meeting. Everything was done through FedEx, and he requested that we only talk at telephone booths and the speech was done in codes!

I said,

“We don’t need to bother doing that, because the group that we’re up against has technologies that can frustrate any system you can devise.”

Well, he had been on the shortlist to be Clinton’s Secretary of the Navy. So he knew the spook world fairly well. But he had been in the conventional military and intelligence world. I knew what we were up against, but he didn’t.

So he said,

“Oh, no, we have to do this. You’re just a doctor! I’ve been in all these circles, and we have to be careful.”

So I humored him. I tried to explain to him that there was no way to frustrate the surveillance capabilities of this covert group, because they had non-local, “scalar” technologies that would enable them to bypass entire generations of electronics. Even the state-of-the-art NSA and NRO stuff is nothing compared to what they have, because what they have are electronic interfaces with consciousness, where they can monitor things in real time all the time. Well, he didn’t know this. I knew it and had remote-viewed them remote-viewing me.

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